It would be churlish to deny ISI credit for the speed and skill with which it has encircled India with hostile bases and virtually paralyzed it from within. The depth of ISI penetration, its stupendous network of allies and informers, and the sheer audacity with which it strikes in the heart of the capital is unparalleled. But even for one who does not underestimate the threat posed by Pakistan, I confess being nonplussed to learn that the vast ISI contingent in the country includes professional “spotters” who can identify intelligence officials on duty, have them roughed up by local accomplices, and drive them out of their area of operation (The Pioneer, 31 December 2000). This has already happened twice: in New Delhi’s Jamia area and in Aligarh Muslim University; on both occasions after the arrest of Pakistani / pro-Pakistani agents.
This exposes the extent to which ISI has infiltrated the country’s innermost recesses, and has serious implications for national security. Harried intelligence agencies point out that ISI has made massive inroads among local people in the name of jihad (holy war against non-Muslims), and that certain madrasas are openly used to prepare agent provocateurs. What is more, Bangladeshi infiltrators and even Afghan refugees living in Delhi under the auspices of the United Nations Council for Housing and Rehabilitation (UNCHR) are known to serve ISI’s anti-India activities.
It is well known that ISI has a strong presence in Bangladesh and that Sheikh Hasina has not as yet been able to contain it effectively. It was from Bangladesh that ISI made inroads into the sensitive north-eastern states of India, and established contact with Assam’s ULFA. Ironically, it has a good working relationship with the LTTE which, being Hindu, should logically have good relations with India (but does not). ISI even operates from Bhutan and Myanmar, though, of course, its strongest base is in Nepal, where it has successfully changed the demography of the Hindu kingdom with infiltrations from Bangladesh.
The ISI first demonstrated its clout in Nepal when it commandeered an Indian Airlines flight from Kathmandu to Kandahar and got three most dreaded terrorists released in return for the passengers in December 1999. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee reacted to this disaster by disdaining public demands for accountability. A close relation of a senior official in the PMO was on board the hijacked aircraft, and press reports suggested that this had a bearing on India’s handling of the situation, i.e., the abject surrender and international humiliation at Kandahar. Yet the officer continues to enjoy the Prime Minister’s confidence, as does his Principal Secretary, who goofed-up at Amritsar airport, allowing the aircraft to take-off and spurning the good offices of men of the calibre of K.P.S. Gill.
Recently, the sudden and astonishing turn of events in Nepal, where anti-India sentiments had full play on account of remarks never made by popular filmstar, Hrithik Roshan (whose family is under pressure from the ISI-connected underworld), is further evidence of the organizations’ savoir-faire. In contrast, India’s response has been depressingly dull; it is the Nepalese government that has contained the nuisance, because of its own compulsions. Understandably, ISI has contempt for India, and demonstrates this each time its operatives cross the porous border from the west, north or east. Gujarat police have already discovered a disturbing new brand of resilience and resistance to interrogation in captured terrorists, which can only make their job that much more difficult.
In this scenario, the government’s determination to extend the November 19 ceasefire even after the embarrassing December 22 strike at Red Fort in which three soldiers died, defies all logic. It may be recalled that the same day, the Srinagar District Commander of the Hizb and his men arrived at Jamia Masjid in Srinagar armed with AK-47 rifles and raised pro-Pakistan slogans while security forces watched helplessly. There has been no let-up in the killings in the valley, while a new dimension has been added with the mysterious arrival in New Delhi of the man who hijacked and blew up an Indian Airlines plane in Lahore in 1971. It appears that the authorities were expecting him. Despite all this, the government has not considered taking the public into confidence about its reasons for extending the ceasefire. After all, India was on the defensive – not offensive – in Kashmir.
In this context, some disturbing developments may be noted. The first is the American warning to Pakistan that it will be held responsible if an attempt is made on the life of Prime Minister Vajpayee. This would indicate that the US believes such an attack is both possible and likely, as threatened by a militant outfit. Paradoxically, the American warning, while demonstrating its commitment towards democratic India, is humiliating as it shows India as a kind of ‘protectorate,’ a sad commentary on a nation seeking a permanent seat in the UN Security Council.
Yet the American warning also shows that the superpower understands the nature of the Islamic threat to civilized, democratic societies. It indicates that there is no abnormal, uncontainable pressure from Washington to engage in dialogue with Pakistan or Pak-backed terrorists at the cost of this country’s legitimate interests. This makes the Vajpayee government’s obstinate insistence upon talks – when the security forces, intelligence agencies, security experts, defence analysts and discerning citizens are unanimously opposed to it – all the more suspect. It may be noted that till date, the nation has not been informed about the contours of the proposed dialogue with the Pak-backed terrorists and (eventually) Pakistan.
Over the past three weeks, since the phoney parliamentary ballistics over the demolition of a non-mosque eight years ago, the Home Minister has issued an apology or disclaimer about the event almost daily. Yet he has not seen fit to comment on any of the events in Kashmir, where security forces remain a prime target and killings occur every day. Mr. Advani cannot be unaware that Pakistan is using the ceasefire to infiltrate men into the valley, who will escalate the violence to unacceptable levels in the coming summer. At that time, when security forces will be forced to retaliate, we will have calls of human rights violations (of terrorists) and will be back to square one.
Another disquieting development is the emergence of Saudi Arabia as a key player in the game, and the total, irreversible ouster of the Kashmiri Pundits and Indian people from a role in Kashmir, thanks to the willful and disgraceful connivance of the Vajpayee government. The first indication about Saudi presence in the debate came from Pakistani-American Mansoor Ijaz. Thereafter, newspaper reports suggested the Saudi’s were ‘moderating’ (whatever that means) the jihad against India.
We now know that the madrasas proliferating along the Indo-Nepal border and patronized by the major militant groups such as Lashkar-e-Toiba and Harkat-ul-Ansar, are preaching the extreme Wahabi form of Islam, which is also Saudi Arabia’s dominant sect. It is in this scenario that India is facilitating the visit of militants to Riyadh. Since it is inconceivable that the Saudis would intervene against the interests of co-religionists of the same sect, the conclusion is unavoidable that the government has allowed Kashmir to become an issue of the Muslims, for the Muslims, and by the Muslims (of whatever nationality). The Vajpayee government is guilty of an abominable abdication of responsibility; it shall forever be indicted in the bar of history.
The Pioneer, 2 January 2001